The final analysis
Andrew Pendleton, senior climate change policy advisor at Christian Aid, compares the politics of climate change to another familiar international deadlock in which rich countries are intent to shirk their responsibilities...
For those who have worked and campaigned for a fairer World Trade Organisation, the parallels between the politics of world trade and the politics of climate change are staggeringly similar. As the drama of Bali's climate conference unfolded, with talks overrunning by 24 hours, those similarities were thrown into stark relief.
The WTO is about making agreements to open up world trade. For a decade, at biennial meetings of trade ministers, rich nations and regions such as the US and the European Union, have attempted to persuade others, especially the larger developing nations such as India and China, to agree tariff cuts and otherwise to open the way for the free flow of goods and services. Developing nations, from the larger ones to the poorest, have argued that they should not have to open up before rich countries cut their subsidies and open their markets. The WTO is currently deadlocked. A ministerial meeting should have taken place this year, but it has been postponed indefinitely. But for poor people, no deal is almost certainly better than a bad deal.
The climate change talks take place under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, which was signed at Rio in 1992. Annual conferences take place aimed at trying to amend the Convention so that countries take on legally binding targets to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions. In 1997, the Kyoto Protocol, the first of these amendments, was signed. It finally enters into force next year, with rich countries taking on an average of 5 per cent cuts in their emissions by 2012 over 1990 levels.
In Bali, the UN climate talks moved into a new phase. Underscored by considerable new scientific evidence, two years of negotiations were launched, which will be aimed at brokering an agreement on a second phase of Kyoto for post 2012. This is to be welcomed and is necessary; climate change is a great threat to us all and is especially dangerous for poor people whose lives and livelihoods are at the mercy of the weather. No deal in climate talks is not an option.
But that important imperative aside, the way in which countries in Bali lined up was all too familiar and predictable. Rather than wanting them to open up trade, rich countries are after cuts in developing nations' carbon dioxide emissions. The US, EU, Japan and Canada in particular are increasingly concerned about the competitiveness of India and China and they want these countries to be bound into emissions cuts in any new agreement. India and China, along with Brazil, South Africa, Mexico and other developing countries are understandably reluctant to do this at least until the US agrees significant cuts in its emissions.
In Bali, as has happened at recent WTO ministerial meetings, it was left up to developing countries operating as a bloc to stand up to the rich countries and remind them of their responsibilities. Just as countries at lower levels of development, with less wealth should not be forced to participate fully in trade agreements until their economies can withstand liberalisation, so they should be excused any binding reductions commitments until their continued development can be guaranteed. Rich countries must go first and furthest in making greenhouse gas emissions cuts.
Lamentably, the US was the major blocker of agreement in Bali and was only forced to back down when some of the developing nations became feisty in the final plenary session. Rather like at the WTO, the US wanted more than it was prepared to offer (in fact, it was prepared to offer nothing and yet wanted to see China and India making promises to cut their emissions). The EU also wants developing nations to make commitments in a new agreement, but is at least offering something itself (currently 20 per cent cuts by 2020).
There is even a conflation of trade and climate change. In Bali during the middle weekend of the UN talks, trade ministers also met. While poorer nations were keen to see willingness on the part of wealthy nations to transfer clean technology (give them access to it cheaply, especially without having to pay for intellectual property rights) rich countries talked of the need to agree lower tariffs on 'green goods'. The World Bank has even argued that the liberalisation of the global trading system is key to help countries reduce their greenhouse emissions and adapt. A cynic might be forgiven for thinking that rich countries want to force through the climate agenda measures they have manifestly failed to get through the WTO.
Poorer nations also talked, if somewhat vaguely, about bullying tactics by rich countries in Bali, something that has become all too familiar at the WTO. Among the pressures was a threat that if developing countries do not show willingness to take part in cutting greenhouse gas emissions, trade sanctions could be utilised against them. This would probably end up being illegal according to WTO rules, but in the cut and thrust of Bali's fraught talks, could have had purchase on harried developing country negotiators, most of whom are environment and not trade experts.
By Saturday afternoon, the Bali roadmap had been adopted, although much dilution by the US ensured it lacked any specific, numeric cuts for anybody, let alone for rich countries. An earlier meeting in Vienna had specified a range of 25 to 40 per cent cuts for the industrialised world, but these numbers were extracted from the text and the UN's important assessment report of the science was relegated to footnote.
It is anticipated that the Bali roadmap will lead us to a meeting in Copenhagen at the end of 2009, with its final destination being a new and more comprehensive agreement to cut global greenhouse gas emissions. That this is necessary is more or less beyond dispute. But it could be harmful to poor countries' development if the rich world is not prepared to make major concessions. The politics of climate change may be worryingly similar to those of trade, but deadlock is no more an option than denying poor people a right to develop. This means that the industrialised must not repeat the mistakes its made in trade talks and must be prepared to ensure the necessary cuts in greenhouse gas emissions are made or paid for by the rich and not by the poor.